South of the James

by Conaway B. Haskins III

A few months ago, I wrote an article for the webjournal of a now-defunct think tank, the Low Country & Chesapeake Society, that featured Lacy B. Ward, Jr.. A native of Prince Edward County, Lacy holds degrees from Virginia State University and VA Tech, and he worked in the field offices of both former 5th-District Democratic Congressman LF Payne and Payne’s succesor, Democrat-turned-Republican Virgil Goode. In 1998, Lacy moved to Alabama to work for the historic Tuskegee University, and he went on to a senior position with the National Park Service.

Now a card-carrying Republican, Lacy ran for an Alabama statehouse seat in March 2005 in a historically-Democratic district that is heavily African-American. Lacy, himself Black, lost that race, but he has continued to diligently offer up his brand of conservatism to the people of his region as he attempts another run for that House seat in the 2006 regular election cycle. He faces a daunting task, but his campaign experiences and work since are instructive.

In the months since the special election, Lacy and I engaged in a series of discussions about politics, race and Republicans; I was intrigued to hear more about his efforts at breaking the Democratic stranglehold on Black votes while working with a Deep South GOP that, to say it mildly, hasn’t been the most open or kind to Black folks in the past. He posed a number of questions about the need to shift political and policy discourse from a race-based focus to an economics and geography-centered discussion.

We both agreed that the Civil Rights Movement’s overall integrationist leanings were premised upon the notion that race did not and should not matter; it was a social construction with no validity. We saw this concept as a very strong position from which contemporary Black institutions, and the political mainstream, has sadly retreated. Now, dominant Black political thought implies and advocates the notion that race does matter and that there are indeed race based differences. We both decided to wholly disagree with this view.

The Civil Rights Movement was a movement to end segregation, and it was successful in proving segregation to be wrong. The Movement’s actions capitalized on two divergent views of racial liberation. The first held that there were differences in the races that lead to differing life outcomes and are manifested in White superiority. It offered that it was wrong for White people to take advantage of their superior racial position, and as a matter of fact, Whites had an obligation to assist and care for their less fortunate brothers and sisters of other races. With this guilt laid upon them through non-violent Black protests and the harsh water-hose backlash in Dixie, this liberal racism was adopted by some. Subconsciously, it is seems to continue today in the upper reaches of the liberal political and academic establishment.

The second perspective – one held by many Civil Rights pioneers and Americans – was that there are no differences in the races because, as a matter of scientific fact, there are no “races,” just one human race. Segregation was wrong because it depended upon the acceptance of the false premise that inalterable “racial” differences exist. Lacy offered this up as his preferred view, and also noted that it is why he is now uncomfortable with the term “Black Republican.” As he told me, “A Black Republican is fully described in saying that they are a Republican. I am hoping that we can begin to make race historical in nature and begin to remove it from the contemporary. What a challenge!”

Indeed this is a challenge with which we will all struggle unless we give it more thought and commit to change. While Lacy’s story is deeply rooted in the cultural context of the deep South, the issues that he raised with me provide a good starting point from which South Of The James can explore the potential transformation of racial politics here in Virginia. With the upcoming governor’s race looking like a dead heat, it remains to be seen if the candidates can discuss the pressing political issues of the day while transcending the traditional alignment of ethnicity and voting behavior here in the Commonwealth. Regardless of how it all shakes out in the end, readers can count on South Of The James to offer a different take on these matters than what you’ll find in the traditional media and even in corners of the blogosphere.

by Conaway Haskins

Note: In the run-up to the November statewide elections, South Of The James will be closely following the developing story of a mysterious Independent’s bid to take a historically Democratic seat in the Petersburg area.

August 10, 2005

In House District 63, a Democratic stronghold, a curious situation (phenomenon is too strong of a word) has arisen. This Petersburg-Dinwiddie based district typically has some of the highest Democratic turnouts in the state, and Petersburg is the most Democratic municipality in Virginia in terms of voting results. Following the well-publicized fall-from-grace of Fenton Bland, once a rising star in the House Democratic caucus who’s headed to the pokey, Rosalyn Dance, the dynamic former mayor of Petersburg handily won the special Democratic primary and general election in March.

Owner of the well-regarded Manhattan’s restaurant in Richmond and former president of one of Petersburg’s two Rotary clubs, Dance is considered one of the most dynamic women to hit Central Virginia’s political arena. Don’t be surprised if she ends up running for Henry Marsh’s Senate seat when he retires. Her run for reelection was, and probably still is, thought to be virtual shoe-in. Still, Dance is facing a fly-in-the-ointment in the person of Mr. Diallo Dphrepaulezz, an independent candidate who filed by the June 14 deadline and decided to stay in the race (after a 3rd candidate dropped out). There are essentially two questions that must be asked about this contest: #1 – How big will Dance’s victory margin be? And #2 – Just who is Diallo Dphrepaulezz? Question 1 is unknown and frankly the least interesting of the two. But, the issue of who exactly Mr. D is remains intriguing, at least to this writer and some folks who know Petersburg.

His Autobiography
According to his own website and handouts, Diallo is a 32-year old African American (of Somali descent) who lived in Petersburg and 10 other cities during his youth. He graduated from Petersburg High School in 1991(where he says current Petersburg Mayor Annie Mickens was his math teacher), Virginia State University in 1995 with a degree in Public Administration, and then went on to complete an MPA and law degree from Indiana University. He’s employed as a Vice President with Edison Schools (http://www.edisonschools.com/home/home.cfm), a leading education privatization firm, and is listed as the Managing Principal of Agile Consulting Inc, an “education reform” consultancy (http://theagilegroup.com/). On the surface, his academic credentials appear legitimate, as does his work background. However, there is the nagging issue of how a transient man who works out of New York can represent the 63rd District in the Virginia General Assembly. Last time I checked, his name was Diallo, not Hillary. But, I digress.

Diallo lists his local activities as including several organizations – Petersburg Now, Petersburg Renaissance, Petersburg 2020 – that in actuality do not exist or are shells awaiting formalization. These “organizations” stem from what he presented as his original raison d’etre for his “relocation” to Petersburg. Initially, he seemed to be reaching out to certain people in the community for engagement, getting them interested in the notion of revitalizing Petersburg to its past glory, and stirring them up to act according to his well-articulated ideas.

Stirring the Pot or Setting the Stage?
Additionally, he was reported in the Petersburg-based Progress-Index newspaper -http://www.zwire.com/site/news.asp?brd=2271 – as facilitating or leading (depending on the perspective) the possibly-defunct Petersburg Community/Schools Partnership. The April 17, 2005 edition of the Progress-Index described him as “a 1991 Petersburg High School graduate, [who] traveled from his home in New York City to attend the meeting. Dphrepaulezz, who lost his brother in a shooting in the city several years ago, said he plans to use his resources as a successful businessman to ensure the partnership takes action.” The journalist quotes him as saying, “I see a lot of potential for disorganization. But this is a very energetic group and we need to make sure the proper bridges are built.” It goes on to say that “Dphrepaulezz circulated a sign-up sheet so he could keep in touch with group members.”

Apparently, this group drew the ire of high-ranking city officials after its initial meetings drew crowds of 200+. Those events soon petered out to less than 40 and then into nothingness. Still, Diallo was able to recruit a number of high-profile Petersburg folks to his events including, Julian Greene (former Petersburg NAACP president and community activist), Rev. Jeremiah Tillman (Pastor, First Baptist Church – Harrison Street), Cassandra Burns (Commonwealth’s Attorney), Annie Mickens (Mayor of Petersburg), Rufus Atkins (Captain, Petersburg Fire Marshall’s Office), and former Petersburg High School principal, Gail Alexander.

At first, the attendees and public speakers seemed to have responded to a good-faith invitation to participate, but in the months since, some of them and other city officials, are disappointed that the events turned into little more than shouting matches. In recent weeks, Diallo has attempted to distance himself from this group and strike out on his own with another effort under one of the “organizations” talked about previously. He claimed that his projects are designed to revitalize Petersburg and not glorify him, and to empower “the people” to work for themselves. He said that his intent was to create an organizational structure and then step aside and let locals run it themselves so that he could pursue other projects. However, in light of his decision to run for the House of Delegates shortly after arriving back in town causes one to question the sincerity of his statements.

Hanging in the City
Diallo made a point to frequent Java Mio and Longstreet’s, two Old Town Petersburg hotspots where the city’s power elite, artsy types, curious tourists and antique-lovers often congregate. This appeared to be an effort to position him near prominent Petersburg residents and officials during lunch time, and he has used those occasions to “pitch” his ideas to various people. His technique bears the markings of the classic “smooth operator” politico uncommon to these parts, but more prevalent in places such as Washington, New York, Chicago, and Atlanta (Newark’s Corey Booker and DC’s Adrian Fenty come to mind). Some folks have been taken aback by him, offended by his contact and manner.

At first, he went into diatribes about ending the “reign” of leadership of people on city council, in the planning apparatus, and other powers that be in Petersburg’s economic development scene. He railed against Chinese food joints, wig shops, and check-cashing/pawn outlets that dot the city’s streets. He also talked about an issue near and dear to him – education reform – expressing his desire to get a charter school or some kind of privatization initiative going.

If you listened closely, Diallo did telegraph his truer political intentions, when in the midst of his jeremiads against the city leadership, he directly said that he wanted to “get” Rosalyn Dance by opposing her in 2005 or later as an independent with self-declared, unsubstantiated Republican support, and by generating animus toward Dance. Ironically, Dance was the only person that he actually “called out” as a target of his enmity. Still, this doesn’t answer the question of who is this man.

But really, who is he?
Diallo offers up a virtual Horatio Alger story about his personal life – one that lends itself well to the “local boy does good and returns to give back” bent. He was apparently raised by a single mother after his father died of heart disease, and his family bounced around the country, finally settling in Petersburg long enough for him to graduate from PHS. He headed to VSU, went on to grad/law programs at Indiana, and then took an interesting foray into what can fairly be described as conservative policy circles.

Though not tied openly to the Republicans (no FEC records of candidate contributions and only one donation from local GOP’er), his policy work lined up nicely with the Republican agenda. In particular, he made somewhat of a name for himself in the arena of “education reform.” For a time, he served as a Fellow of the Pacific Research Institute (PRI), a noted California think tank closely aligned with leading Republicans and conservatives in that state and beyond. This group purportedly supplied former California governor Pete Wilson with a lot of his ideas, and they have been linked with Milton Friedman, a leading conservative economist and someone whose ideas President Bush is enamored with.

PRI is part of a national network of state-based think tanks that works to pursue the conservative agenda at the state and local levels, thus serving as a “farm system” of sorts for national think tanks/advocacy groups such as the Heritage Foundation, American Enterprise Institute, Institute for Justice, and even the Cato Institute. Essentially, PRI is part of the “minor league” conservative idea machine. Funded by a cadre of conservative foundations and philanthropists, these think tanks publish reports and run social projects on the state and local level that have and those efforts that have achieved noted for their (subjective) success levels. Many of these ideas – school choice & vouchers, estate tax relief, abstinence-only sex ed. – have made their way onto the national conservative agenda.

From most appearances, Diallo’s employer, Edison Schools, is one of the most controversial players in the education reform industry. As a private for-profit entity, the company is reported to be on the verge of bankruptcy after a number of issues arose with their contract management, financial governance, and performance. Several large school districts, such as Philadelphia, have ended or severely limited contracts with Edison, and the number of schools that they claim to work with has declined by at least half. Additionally, studies about their relative effectiveness over traditional public schools have been inconclusive, at best, and negative at worst. In general, they cannot lay claim to having reformed much but the process of privatizing schools – districts will be more leery now. The company continues to operate charter schools in several states.
See:
http://www.nationalreview.com/murdock/murdock053101.shtml
http://www.heartland.org/archives/education/aug01/forced.htm)

While Edison has not seemingly gotten directly involved with the political process – through campaign contributions, soft money, and lobbying – company investors and other backers sympathetic to them have conducted electoral activities in San Francisco and other cities. The company’s founder – Chris Whittle – has contributed to both Democratic and Republican congressional campaigns.

But, what can he do in the campaign?
Given all of this, it appears that he intends to mount a rather serious challenge to Rosalyn Dance. Whether he really sees himself as winning the seat or merely uses the campaign as a means to raise his profile in the city and beyond remains to be seen. In the coming weeks, he will probably go on the offensive at every turn, both attacking Dance and offering his “new vision” for the district. What is apparent is that Diallo is importing a brand of politicking normally left for major urban areas, attempting to stir up community sentiment while generating political support for a candidacy more about style than substance. If his website – http://www.diallova63.org/ – is any indication, he has yet to offer a real agenda for change beyond simply calling for change. Folks like him have been able to make inroads around the country in local elections because they aren’t taken seriously by the people whom they have targeted. Dance would be wise to not make this mistake.

So far, information about his campaign is scarce as his website (see above) just contains biographical information, contact info, and a short bit of media coverage. Ironically, the “Issues” link of his site reads as “Under Construction.” This could be a fitting descriptor as he has yet to take a stand on any legislative matter, focusing instead on vague notions like “leadership” and “new energy.” At the same time, his public filings with the State Board of Elections (see: http://www.vpap.org/cands/cand_index.cfm?ToKey=COM01168) report both limited fundraising and limited personal income. While the funding deficit is understandable – he gave himself $725 and got $124 from Andrea Sims, the former GOP candidate who challenged Dance in the Spring 2005 special election – it stands to reason that a man who is employed by two different firms would have some reportable source of income over $10,000. At the very least, it would seem that he would have enough personal income as a “successful businessman” to support some self-financing of his campaign. But, there may be more to this than meets the eye.

Frankly, Diallo’s corporate and policy world background demonstrates a complex range of experiences, connections, and potential resources that are honestly more sophisticated than what communities south of the James normally see. His run could set the stage for a closeted conservative political effort that inflames the passions of the community. Given the recent controversies in the school system and Petersburg’s continuing membership on the roll of Virginia’s most socially and economically distressed localities (it’s at or near the bottom), he could be effective at wounding Dance if not beating her. After all, regardless of the consensus that she did a good job shepherding the city during her 12 years as mayor, she still suffered a close electoral defeat when she ran against Bland as an independent, she was beaten in her last council election, and she faced more than grumbling challengers in the Democratic special election primary. A competitive loss to Dance makes him a legitimate player in future races for any number of offices.

On a darker note, he could be using the inevitable media coverage (most local House races are boring and uncontested) to attract more attention to his “cause” of revitalizing Petersburg. There is the possibility that he has a larger, yet unknown agenda such as pushing the legislature to approve either a private take-over of the Petersburg schools or gaining authorize of the state’s first charter school. Either of these courses of action would involve engaging Dance as the city’s representative in the state House even if he loses. Again, this is speculative at best, but it is possible.

Regardless, the next few months should be interesting if not entertaining. Mrs. Dance may well have a race to run after all.

If you have comments or information to add, please reply to this post or email us at southofthejames@gmail.com.

Welcome to South Of The James.

This site is dedicated to providing both an insightful and irreverent look at life in Central Virginia and beyond. Whether it affects the Richmond Metro, Southside, or TriCities communities, we will have an opinion on it or find one for you. From time to time, we will also chime in about the goings-on in the world around us, meaning Virginia, the US, and the World. Our decidedly different perspective demonstrates that there is intelligent life south of the James River, and that it is, in fact, thriving despite the stereotypes to the contrary.

Be it politics, culture, sports, money, or art, SOTJ will cover a variety of subjects from a number of viewpoints. Our goal is to wide the rising wave of citizen journalism – i.e. the blogosphere – and give you news and opinion that is relevant and useful. We plan to take the best of the traditional media (yes there are some elements worth saving) and blend it with the freedom and flexibility of the Internet age.

So, come on in and sit a spell, and let’s see what we can dig up together.

– the Editors

by Conaway Haskins

Since the days of the American Civil Rights Movement, fundamental changes have gripped Black America. From the broken bonds of Slavery, out of the ashes of Civil War, and through the trials of Southern Segregation and Northern racial apartheid, Black America’s steady march to freedom has witnessed steady waves of economic, social and political progress. Still, it now appears that the struggle of the whole of the African-American world to achieve full incorporation into the estate of American democracy has hit an impasse. Today, one-quarter of African-Americans live below the poverty line, Black babies are born to single mothers at a disturbing clip, and millions of Black men find themselves incarcerated in America’s prisons. Concurrently, Black culture is bombarded with negative images that devalue the African American female and elevate African American manhood to disturbingly misogynistic and nihilistic realms. The Black Church finds itself at a crossroads with institutional and leadership crises that are mostly self-inflicted. Despite how far we have come, it must also be acknowledged that many of us remain one step removed from being part of a literal or figurative underclass.

Given this, the opportunity exists for a new model of leadership – political, social, economic, intellectual and spiritual – within Black America. No serious agenda for African American action can be forged without confronting the reality that no less than four Black Americas have emerged. One has gained an authentic upper-class existence with the requisite accouterments that accompany their status, while another consists of a well-educated middle class driven toward upward mobility. A third component of our community consists of working class families and individuals straining against the pressures of a continuously global economy, and a final, poorly-educated underclass is increasingly pushed to the periphery of American life. The emergence of these four Black Americas cries out for free-thinking independent voices that craft solutions honestly reflecting the divergent class structures within our communities. The abstract notions of black unity or black power, must give way to a new vision for community change.

In our time, America is passing through a period of profound uncertainty. Essential matters of war and peace, terrorism and economic dislocation are sure to invite acute crises in the future. The days ahead will require the best leadership Black America has to offer to confront these challenges – a task that we are wholly prepared for. What is required of those who desire to advance Black America’s cause is a candid and far-reaching discussion about the state of our entire community. Institutions must be created to power the engines of progress. To that end, a forum must exist to both formulate an agenda for Black advancement and raise African American voices to inform the realms of government, business and philanthropy. As they speak to and for themselves, they will also speak to the nation as a whole.

Frustrated with the lack of true political, economic and social reform, disturbed by the apparent ineptitude of an all-things-to-all-people federal government to confront and solve major public policy challenges, and with a cautious eye toward the power of markets and individuals to shape their own destiny, a united front of concerned Black Americans should pledge to marshal the energy and passion required to create a new independent Black movement that takes both major parties and dueling political ideologies to task for giving short shrift to critical issues affecting the Black community. Redefining the African-American body politic in a visionary manner will facilitate the emergence of Black America’s most creative thinkers. We believe that Black America has a great historic challenge of full incorporation of its citizens into the estate of American market democracy. This is the clarion call for a new African-American public policy forum – an independent, nonpartisan and not-for-profit research and education organization dedicated to strengthening the foundations of freedom and progress in America.

This entity would focus on a variety of avenues of public affairs issues, such as education, economic development, foreign policy & national security, health care, science & technology, criminal justice & law, culture & society, religion & theology, and public management. With an eye toward increasing intellectual diversity and discourse among African Americans, it would apply a special lens on how policy issues affect Black America. Nonetheless, it would not presume to speak exclusively for African Americans but to provide a new voice for all Americans who interests are aligned with it.

This new “think tank” would inform decision-making in the government, business and philanthropic sectors through thoughtful research, vigorous open debate, and timely publications. Its publications would be distributed in print and electronically to a wide audience including government officials, legislators, corporate executives, foundation staff, journalists, and academics. In addition, it would regularly hosts conferences, seminars, and lectures, but it would take no institutional positions of support for political candidates and party platforms, while offering insight on legislation pending before Congress, the states and municipalities in the US.

This new effort would redefine the African-American community in the 21st century by increasing the participation of African Americans in all aspects of public life and the market economy. A network of intellectuals and concerned citizens, it would investigate, assess, and stimulate dialogue on critical issues and monitors emerging trends affecting the Black community. Offering a unique vision for leadership in America at-large and engaging in practical and timely research to inform decision-making in the government, business and nonprofit sectors, this would ultimately contribute to the self-empowerment of Black America.

By Conaway B. Haskins III

African American Golfer’s Digest, Summer 2005

Following on a successful first season, The Golf Channel followed up its hit reality show, “The Big Break” with a second season, aptly titled, “The Big Break II.” As with the first season, Big Break II featured two African American competitors, Jay McNair and Scott Yancy. Though neither won, the experience that they gained could help lead both men to full-time careers on a major professional golf tour before long.

Jay McNair is a native of Washington, DC who grew up in Florida after his family moved there when he was 10 years old. The 30 year-old currently resides in Brandon, Florida, where he works as an administrator at a school for students in grades K-8. He learned golf from his grandfather at age 10, and he’s been hooked ever since. Jay won a scholarship to Florida A&M University is Tallahassee, where he was considered a top conference player. After graduation, he bounced around on several mini-tours and came close to winning several events. He says that his best finish was a Top 10 in the Valdosta Open, a highly-regarded Florida event. Jay worked as an assistant club pro at Rogers Park Golf Course, a breeding ground for top-notch African American golf talent.

Jay is single, but his girlfriend was instrumental in his being on the Big Break II. After seeing the commercials for the show, she told him, “You ought to do that.” He took her advice and submitted an application. When his invitation to compete came, she traveled with him to Miami for the tryout. When he left the Miami audition, Jay’s intuition told him that his making the show was “meant to be.” He was right. Unfortunately for him, his luck ran out and he was the second person cut from the show. Still, he says that “it was hard not to enjoy the 48 hours that I was there. I had a great time.”

Jay has exempt status on the Hooters tour as a result of being a Big Break II finalist. However, he doubts that he will play much this season. Given the demands of his new job, he has not had a lot of time to practice. He says that he does not want to “waste money” participating in professional events if he is not ready. Although he does not have long-range goals for his career, Jay says that he simply wants to reach a point where he can “play professionally every single day.”

A 23-year old native of Glen Carbon, IL, Scott Yancy was one of the youngest competitors in the history of the Big Break series. After winning a scholarship to Kentucky State University, a Division II program, Scott transferred to Anderson University in Indiana to be closer to home. He played three more seasons for the Division III school, where he was a member of several conference championship teams. A relative newcomer to the game, Scott started playing golf during his junior year of high school.

Currently, Scott works for a local Nextel operation in Glen Carbon, and his home course is the Oak Brook Golf Club. After missing the deadline for the first Big Break show, he submitted the application for the second. He says that during his tryout “everything just clicked.” After the tryout, he was informed that he had been selected as a finalist. Knowing that he was not as experienced as the other contestants, Scott says that his goal was not to win but to “have as much fun as possible.” He lasted until the fourth episode, and then he made his way back home to Glen Carbon.

A single guy who likes to “enjoy himself,” Scott is looking forward to playing on the Hooters Tour. His goal is to “make all of the cuts” and finish as a top-earner. He says that the experience on the show has helped him because he doesn’t feel as much pressure as before. His long term plan is to play the PGA Tour. Scott is currently looking for sponsors to help him enter events, and Nextel has agreed to support him. He says that no matter how far he makes it, his goal is to “continue to grow.”