South of the James

By Mike Harton

Mike Harton is the newest contributor to SouthoftheJames.com. An ordained minister and educator who has served as a local parish pastor for spiritual formation, a denominational educational leader, a seminary professor and consultant/coach, Mike is currently an administrator for a Lilly Endowment grant to the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship . He also edits a CBF e-magazine. Mike has served in a variety of community leadership roles from little league coach to Vice President of the Task Force for Responsible Growth. He and his wife - a Chesterfield County public school teacher - volunteer with Meals on Wheels. Harton earned a Doctor of Education degree from Indiana University.

Note: A version of this post was submitted to the Richmond Times-Dispatch as a Letter to the Editor

Julian Walker’s November 23, 2005 report on Chesterfield County government’s efforts to control public comment in public hearings begs a question: what is the obligation of public officials to listen to citizens who wish to express opinions and provide helpful information on matters of business? The new rules on public comment are nothing more than efforts to squelch free expression whether it be expressions of question, concern, or simply for gaining information.

It is obvious from recent [Planning] Commission behavior and the new rules governing both the Board of Supervisors and the Planning Commission that neither body can tolerate citizen involvement in decisions that directly affect them. In fact, this year, Sheriff’s deputies were called on four citizens who were addressing or had addressed the BOS or Commission. One had left the meeting room and was confronted in the hallway, then escorted to the parking lot where she stood in the cold waiting for her ride. Another was arrested at the podium, and still another threatened with removal after the meeting had concluded. Clearly, intimidation is a chosen tactic of these “public servants.”

The tightened rules require citizens to restrict their comments narrowly to the issue at hand and to not mention any supporting data or related issues. The new rules applied to a hypothetical: if the subject is beans, one cannot talk about the plant, the soil, the rain, sunshine or fertilizer that makes them grow—all that is irrelevant. You can only talk about beans. The rumor is that a button is now being installed in the sound booth of the public meeting room allowing the podium microphone to cut off at the discretion of the chairman. The message is, “If we don’t like what you’re saying, we’ll just cut you off!”

Planning Commission Chairman Litton claims that people use the public hearing to pursue their political agendas. Similar comments have come from the Board of Supervisors. While that may occur occasionally, I know personally that those who have sought to address the Commission and the Board of Supervisors recently include a minister/educator, a PTA leader, a businessman, a stay-at-home mom who has worked in two states on DUI causes, a retiree, and a pharmacist, none of whom have political agendas with the Commission or BOS. With few exceptions, these citizens are treated with distain.

The body language and comments from the Commission, in particular, are unmistakable. There is little respect for public opinion or expertise. It is also crystal clear that there is no sense of accountability of these “public servants” to the public. Watch their backs bristle at the slightest hint of challenge from a citizen! If an adversarial relationship between these official bodies and the public has been created, it is the creation of those bodies, not the citizens attempting to address them.

By Conaway Haskins

This was originally posted to the ThinkSouth.org blog on November 28, 2005.

An election brief of the 2005 Virginia gubernatorial election by Virginia Tech’s Metropolitan Institute covers new ground regarding a potential political realignment in the Commonwealth. The research team has discerned the development of 4 main geographic regions around which state political trends center: Northern Virginia, Tidewater, Capital Region, and Shenandoah. The report offers insights into what changing geographic, economic and demographic trends hold for future elections after Democrat Tim Kaine’s recent victory.

The authors note that their report “does not assert that the 2005 Virginia governor’s race will predict the outcome of the 2006 and 2008 elections. But it does examine the geography of the 2005 race and considers how some of the strategies used in the campaign may factor in the next midterm and presidential elections.”

Among the key items discussed is the potential successof Democratic campaigns based on bread and butter issues like growth management, transportation and economic development in Republican-leaning states. While the jury is still out on all of the factors that swung Virginia in favor of a Democrat in 2005, the authors hold that:

Kaine has shown that with a direct appeal to quality of life issues, [and] Democrats can at least compete in the exurbs…Even if it does not work, the growth politics card will almost certainly be played and that may prove the most lasting impact of the 2005 Virginia election.

Although the analysis is not comprehensive, it does offer a good starting point to consider how politics in this reliably “red” state may be shifting. In particular, this should be of interest to progressives and centrists as Virginia’s outgoing governor, Mark Warner, begins his trek toward the 2008 presidential election.

Note: Thanks to the crew at the Raising Kaine blog for featuring this report.

By Conaway Haskins

This was originally posted on the New Leadership Blog on November 22, 2005.

November 1, 2005 marked the official end of the political experiment known as the Low Country & Chesapeake Society. Low Country was started by a small group of politically-experienced and connected black Americans based in Connecticut, and it quickly grew to gain a national following. After months of false starts, followed by inactivity and very little in the way of communications, the organization’s founder, Webster Brooks, sent out an email stating:

“I am recommending dissolution of the Low Country and Chesapeake Society…I would like to offer my apologies for not providing the level of leadership needed to move Low Country toward…objectives we achieved consensus on…despite some initial small successes in offering the public an alternative viewpoint, we lacked agreement of a common political outlook required to flourish at a higher level…The national political landscape is very fluid and the demand for genuine political change and reforms will continue to grow rather than be diminished.

With backgrounds in national political organizations, such as Planned Parenthood and the National Black Republican Network, the group’s founders asserted their abandonment of two-party political system and the Civil Rights establishment and looked to create a new independent Black movement. After participating in a number of events concerning the November 2004 presidential election, Low Country held a conference in February 2005 in Silver Spring, MD designed to lay the groundwork for developing into a think tank focused on developing a comprehensive agenda for Black America that supported the continued growth and prosperity of the black upper and middle classes, while elevating the fortunes of the black working and lower classes.

However, over time, the organization was unable to come up with a discernable and sustainable operating model and suffered from a fall off in participation after the February 2005 event. The final blow to the organization was struck when, in the midst of determining its operating strategy, Webster Brooks announced a quixotic (and misguided) exploratory campaign for the 2008 presidential election. At that moment, any attempt by the group to continue with a sense of legitimacy under the Low Country banner established by Brooks was destroyed.A few days after the official dissolution of the group, several disenchanted members announced their intentions to take on another project, but with on a smaller scale. Former communications director, Benin Dakar, issued a charge to the remaining members by saying:

We [all former LC associates] must do a post mortem on why we had a quick burn out; so we will not repeat the same mistakes. Then we have to move on to open planning about our next steps, make certain that everyone is briefed on what those steps are, begin to execute the mission, and debrief along the continuum to share lessons learned and areas of opportunity. My proposal is to harness the intellectual and social capital present and forge it into a new group with our own new identity.

The entire Low Country & Chesapeake Society phenomenon was a grand notion, possibly too grand, given the scale and scope of the issues it hoped to address. Having joined the Low Country effort after the November 2004 elections and participated in the February meeting, I saw firsthand the power that ideas can have in capturing the imagination of the grassroots of Black America, particularly those local leaders who often go unrecognized for their work and dedication but remain dogged in pursuit of their ultimate goals. The new effort to rekindle the “movement” has its work cut out for it as the members attempt to regain the lost opportunities of the past year. While not impossible, it will be a difficult proposition. Nonetheless, given the dearth of alternative black voices to the dysfunctional two-party system and dominant ideological polarities, we can all hope that they will be successful.

By Conaway Haskins

This was originally posted to the ThinkSouth.org blog on November 21, 2005.

The Virginian-Pilot explores whether the recent election of Tim Kaine as governor of Virginia is significant for Democrats beyond the Commonwealth. The article notes the attention that Kaine’s victory is receiving among national party leaders who hope to fare better among religious voters.

For a few years now, Republicans have been more effective in using religion,” said John Green, a senior fellow at the Pew Forum. “One reason they’ve been successful is the Democrats were not talking about it. … The Kaine campaign is worth paying attention to because he’s unusual among contemporary Democrats. He’s talking about his faith.

Kaine, whose dedication to the Catholic Church was highlighted by his service as a missionary in Honduras, made the conscious decision to emphasize his faith up front in this election despite reservations from some in his own party.

“I was very discouraged with Democratic campaigns where either a candidate would not talk about their values or it’s been a feature of some Democratic campaigns to attack the ‘religious right,’” he said. “There’s a whole lot of people who feel like we’re attacking them.” Kaine said the reaction to his use of religion in his campaign was mixed among Virginia Democrats. “Some people in the party who were very uncomfortable with what I did said it to my face,” he said, “but I had others who said to me ‘Thank goodness.’”

Despite his victory, some observers express skepticism about the role that Kaine’s faith played in winning this election, particularly with Virginia’s small Catholic population.

“I don’t think there is a Catholic vote in Virginia,” (UVA professor Gerald) Fogarty said. “My general suspicion is that religion didn’t have much to do with the election, but Kaine put a more pleasant face on his values.”

Kaine will become Virginia’s first Catholic governor when he is inaugurated in January. Regardless of the current consensus, or lack thereof, on the role that his religion played in gaining the confidence of the notably-conservative voters of the Commonwealth, progressives would be wise to search for any lessons that Kaine’s electoral successes hold for Democrats throughout the South who wish to reach out to the faith community.

By Conaway Haskins

This was originally posted on the New Leadership Blog on November 19, 2005

Often, the death of a major figure gives us a chance to reflect on their actions and the impact that it had beyond their initial moments in the sun. This past Tuesday, the Southern Baptist Convention lost one of its leaders, the Rev. Adrian Rogers. Rogers is credited with driving the South’s most prominent religious group – and arguably the largest American Protestant denomination – on a rightward path toward fundamentalism during his tenure as head of the church. Beyond simply affecting Southern Baptists, Rogers and his colleagues changed the face of American politics by being at the center of the modern convergence of religious and political conservatism culminating in the Congressional revolution of 1994 and the ascension of George W. Bush into the White House. CNN notes:

The conservative movement Rogers helped lead also pushed the denomination to stronger political opposition to abortion, homosexuality and the ordination of female pastors, said Bob Allen, a writer and commentator for the Baptist Center for Ethics, an independent Baptist organization headquartered in Nashville. “The Southern Baptist Convention today would be part of the religious right and 20 years ago it would have been more mainstream,” Allen said. “I think it would also be fair to say the conservatives have developed pretty strong ties to the Republican Party.”…While Rogers may have been less well-known outside the SBC than some other Baptist leaders, “no one has been more influential inside the Southern Baptist Convention,” Allen said.

By now, we are all aware that the SBC and their conservative allies helped transform politics in the Bible Belt. What is less known is that not all of the mostly-white SBC congregations plunged headlong into the Right. A good number actually stayed a more moderate course in terms of religion and public life. In 1992, members of the SBC who called themselves moderates broke away and formed the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship. In my home state of Virginia – home to conservative Christian leaders Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson – the rightward charge of the SBC led many pastors, congregations, and church members into a more moderate stance. Says the Richmond Times-Dispatch:

The national fundamentalist shift prompted the formation of two statewide organizations. The Southern Baptist Conservatives of Virginia supported the shift more strongly than the moderate members of the Baptist General Association of Virginia, a statewide umbrella organization. The Southern Baptist Conservatives of Virginia left the Baptist General Association of Virginia, but both groups are part of the Southern Baptist Convention. The Cooperative Baptist Fellowship of Virginia, which broke away from the Southern Baptist Convention, created a different definition of what it means to be a Baptist…Rogers’ work led members to examine their beliefs…the [moderate] group…supports the separation of church and state and the autonomy of local churches.

Rev. Rogers’ passing provides yet another opportunity to consider what the proper role of religion should be in politics, public policy, and public life in general. For the South, in particular, faith has always informed public policy decision-making and influenced civic action, be it the slavery debates or the Civil Rights Movement. Given that the entirety of the Baptist community in the South and beyond did not travel the conservative route, conventional wisdom that lumps all religious folk into the conservative camp is not accurate. As such, the opportunity abounds for centrists of faith to find common ground with their fellow moderate-leaning churchgoers – especially rural and suburban whites. If moderates politicos can overshadow the seeming biases of the Left against organized religion, then they just might stand a chance of facilitating yet another paradigm shift away from the hard Right to the more sensible center. Lord knows we should pray for that to happen.

By Conaway Haskins

This was originally posted to the ThinkSouth.org blog on November 17, 2005.

On Tuesday, the Southern Baptist Convention lost one of its legends, the Rev. Adrian Rogers. Rogers is credited with driving the South’s most prominent religious group – and arguably the largest American Protestant denomination – on a rightward path toward fundamentalism. Beyond simply affecting their Church, Rogers and his contemporaries also helped changed the face of American politics as part of the convergence of religious and political conservatism. According to CNN:

The conservative movement Rogers helped lead also pushed the denomination to stronger political opposition to abortion, homosexuality and the ordination of female pastors, said Bob Allen, a writer and commentator for the Baptist Center for Ethics, an independent Baptist organization headquartered in Nashville. “The Southern Baptist Convention today would be part of the religious right and 20 years ago it would have been more mainstream,” Allen said. “I think it would also be fair to say the conservatives have developed pretty strong ties to the Republican Party.” In 1992, members of the SBC who called themselves moderates broke away and formed the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship. While Rogers may have been less well-known outside the SBC than some other Baptist leaders, “no one has been more influential inside the Southern Baptist Convention,” Allen said.

Particularly in the Bible Belt, the growth in influence of the SBC and allied conservative organization reshaped Southern politics. In Virginia – home to conservative Christian leaders Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson – the rightward charge led many pastors, congregations, and church members into a more moderate stance. As the Richmond Times-Dispatch notes:

The national fundamentalist shift prompted the formation of two statewide organizations. The Southern Baptist Conservatives of Virginia supported the shift more strongly than the moderate members of the Baptist General Association of Virginia, a statewide umbrella organization. The Southern Baptist Conservatives of Virginia left the Baptist General Association of Virginia, but both groups are part of the Southern Baptist Convention. The Cooperative Baptist Fellowship of Virginia, which broke away from the Southern Baptist Convention, created a different definition of what it means to be a Baptist. The organization remains affiliated with the Baptist General Association of Virginia. Rick Clore, coordinator of the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship of Virginia, said Rogers’ work led members to examine their beliefs. About 360 churches belong to the group, which was formed in 1993 and supports the separation of church and state and the autonomy of local churches.

Rev. Rogers’ passing provides yet another opportunity to consider the proper role of religion in public life. In the South, faith has always informed public policy decision-making and influenced civic behavior. As the news articles note, the entirety of the Baptist community in the South did not travel the conservative route. As such, progressives and centrists should continue to seek understanding of the hearts and minds of the Southern faith community in order to build a more inclusive “movement” here. In particular, if progressives can find common ground with moderate-leaning churchgoers – especially whites – who are unaffiliated with the more conservative elements, the opportunity to foster another paradigm shift in the region’s politics could be on the horizon.

By Conaway Haskins

Now that the statewide election is over for most candidates not named Deeds or McDonnell or (Marrs and Waddell), some folks are wondering what many of Virginia’s political bloggers will do now. At issue is whether bloggers can translate the energy expended during the election season energy into much-needed watch-dogging of the Commonwealth’s executive and legislative branches. While I cannot speak for anyone else, several new things will be happening here at South of the James.

Recently, I was asked to serve on the board of directors of the Task Force for Responsible Growth. TFRG is a nonprofit organization - based in Chesterfield, VA - that seeks “to protect and secure a high quality of life for all citizens of Chesterfield County. Through education and promotion of responsible growth, we look to assist community organizations, public and private agencies, and individuals in achieving livable, sustainable communities.” Part of the growing movement toward better development management in Virginia, TFRG is working hard to ensure that growth patterns in Chesterfield are sustainable and work for all residents and businesses.

As opposed to “no-growth” organizations, this non-partisan collective of county homeowners, business professionals, and other residents who support increasing commercial, retail and industrial activity in the county through rezoning and other means by shifting away from the heavy focus on residential development. In just under two years, the group has gone from a band of citizens working on one or two projects, to being the major county-wide citizens’ voice on planning & development issues. I have welcomed other TFRG members to post to the South of the James blog, and the site will now feature analysis and opinion from the organization and various members.

Moving beyond the realm of state and local politics and policy, I have accepted invitations to join two new blogging communities. I will be linking to these groups on South of the James and provide snippets of the postings that I do, as well as, other members of the sites.

The New Leadership Blog, is a site that has grown in stature since the initial break-up of the National Black Republican Association in September of this year. One of the major players in the founding of NBRA, Christopher Arps, publishes this blog as a “conservative forum for political thought and commentary that seeks to foster intelligent debate and discussions on critical issues facing African Americans.” As part of his effort to reach out to black moderates, Christopher graciously offered me a chance to come aboard and be an alternative, centrist voice on his site. Despite my ideological differences, I support the emergence of thoughtful black conservatives and black Republicans in American politics. We can disagree without being disagreeable, and I am very pleased to be joining this top-notch team of writers.

At the other end of the spectrum, I have been offered a spot as a blogger for the Center for a Better South, a “pragmatic, nonpartisan think tank dedicated to developing progressive ideas, policies and information for thinking leaders who want to make a difference in the American South.” Rekindling the legacy of Southern progressive politicians like Mississippi’s William Winter, North Carolina’s Terry Sanford, and Virginia’s own Linwood Holton, the Center was created in the spirit of the LQC Lamar Society, a 1969 effort by “men and women who believed the South could achieve practical solutions to its problems, regardless of whether these men were liberal or conservative, white or black, Democrat or Republican, establishment or student.” As part of its efforts to generate new thinking around key issues, Center director Andy Brack created ThinkSouth.org so that bloggers across the South could express their own views about the direction of the region. The blog is helping to generate debate and discussion on important topics affecting each of the states, such as the land use, taxation, voter participation, and the role of faith & religion in public life. I hope to add my own voice to that mix.

In addition to the original posts that have been par for the course, and the new connections listed above, South of the James will also include more typical blog features, such as daily comments to interesting news articles and postings by other bloggers. In particular, the site will highlight the work of the more interesting bloggers in the Virginia blogosphere. The new changes will be incorporated over time, and plenty of dust will fly as I work out the kinks. Hopefully, readers will find these additions useful, and as always, feedback is welcome and encouraged.

Happy reading,
Conaway

By Don Scoggins

A new South Of The James contributor – Republican activist Donald Scoggins – offers his kudos to Jerry Kilgore and his ticket mates for reaching out to African-American voters in the 2005 campaign. Scoggins is a founder and chairman of the Frederick Douglass Republican Forum, an independent political organization dedicated to promoting the principles of the Republican Party to black voters in Northern Virginia and the Commonwealth at-large. Don has over 30 years of activist experience in the Republican Party at national and local levels. He served in the Bush Administration at HUD, and He has been a Magisterial District Chairman, precinct captain and local Republican Party committee member in Washington, DC; Fairfax and Prince William Counties.

Today, all of the work that the parties and candidates have done comes to fruition as voters are heading to the polls. Black voters are poised to play a significant role in who will serve in Virginia’s three highest elected positions, Governor, Lt. Governor and Attorney General. This year, statewide Republican campaigns engaged in an energetic courtship of black voters, which has established a very high standard for future campaigns to follow. The activities started at the top of the ticket with Jerry Kilgore’s campaign for governor. Kilgore’s campaign manager, Ken Hutcheson, recognized upfront the importance of hiring a talented African-American operative to work at the higher levels of the campaign office. They brought onboard one of the brighter young stars in Republican circles, Tiffany Watkins. She is a second-generation Republican activist whose father worked for the first President Bush as a White House liaison with black community leaders. Tiffany worked on national minority outreach efforts for the Bush/Cheney 2004 campaign, and her hiring was a first for a statewide GOP campaign in Virginia.

The campaign took the time to understand the history of African Americans within the Republican Party of Virginia, and they engaged with a number of community leaders. The results of this have been seen throughout this race. Jerry attended fundraisers held in the homes of black supporters, and he appeared at a number of events within our communities. As Secretary of Public Safety in the Allen administration and as Attorney General, his domestic violence initiatives and crime-fighting efforts helped the black community in many ways. Another example of his commitment was his successful intervention in the awarding of a state government contract that was unfairly denied to a minority-owned firm. Working with leaders across Virginia, the Kilgore campaign’s “Get Out The Vote” efforts in black communities are unprecedented. If effective, these trial initiatives will become permanent across the country.

Kilgore’s ticket-mates also did a great job of reaching out to voters. Having laid the groundwork for his Lt. Governor run over two years ago, Bill Bolling never watered down his very conservative stances and crafted a core message that he stuck with. Though a rock-ribbed conservative, Bolling does not have any degree of racism in his body, and it was easy to support him early on. Critics note that his campaign did not reach out to Northern Virginia as much as it could have, but he was smart to concentrate his efforts outside of that region. This way, he avoided being portrayed unfairly as a right-wing extremist by the Washington Post. Attorney General candidate Bob McDonnell is not a new face to any black Republicans or African-Americans in Hampton Roads as he has worked with the black community for most of his career from his military service to his service in the House of Delegates. Bob is one of those unique people who has a likable personality that anyone can accept even if they do not like his conservative philosophy.

Much has been made of former Governor Wilder’s endorsement of Tim Kaine for Governor. It was expected that he would eventually come out for Kaine, as it would not benefit him to support a Republican gubernatorial candidate as mayor of a heavily-Democratic city such as Richmond. Still, it was telling that he did waited such a long time and did not endorse a Democrat for the other two spots. This is due to the positive relationships that both Bolling and McDonnell had developed with Wilder over the years.

Although I am critical about the slow pace of change within the Republican Party in terms of having more black participation, I am realistic enough to realize it does not occur overnight. For it to be meaningful, it must be gradual. Republicans must make the effort to educate African Americans about how the party’s principles and policies will improve their lives. The GOP philosophy is the best choice for many black Americans because, unlike the Democrats, more government is not the answer to our problems. Throwing more money at problems and over-committing is irresponsible. Republicans feel that the proper role of government is to foster an atmosphere where private enterprise can thrive, and that message continues to be spoken loud and clear to black voters. On Tuesday evening, we will see if they heard us. My hunch is that they have.

By Toni-Michelle C. Travis, PhD

Our newest contributor - political scientist Toni-Michelle Travis - explores a few key issues that African-American voters should keep in mind for both Tuesday’s election and beyond. Travis is both Associate Professor of Government & Politics, as well as, the Director of the Department of African-American Studies at George Mason University in Fairfax, VA. A recognized authority on Virginia politics, the politics of race & gender, and urban studies, Dr. Travis will offer occasional commentary and analysis, adding her unique voice to South Of The James.

The African American vote - nearly 20% of Virginia’s electorate - should not be ignored, nor taken for granted in Virginia elections. Beyond Tuesday, both parties need to pay serious attention to the African American vote because it plays an integral role in the urban and metropolitan voting bloc.

Historically, as blacks became active participants in Virginia politics they voted for the Democratic Party. What else could they do in a one-party state? Harry Byrd and his machine controlled the vote from Winchester to Southside. But, outside forces began to undermine this undemocratic electoral system. By happenstance and not design, the machine began to erode as Virginia became more urban. Urbanization created areas where blacks became concentrated, Richmond and Tidewater, in particular. This was in addition to the subsequent suburbanization of northern Virginia, which had a relatively affluent population of African Americans and other people of color. Simultaneously, as the demographics were changing, so was the political map that reflected the emergence of a viable Republican party. Over time, there a real choice for voters developed.

Today, the question remains, “What do the Republicans and/or Democrats offer African-American Virginians?”

My answer is mostly a lot of talk and very little in tangible benefits. Republicans stress their record of being tough on crime in a state which has the death penalty, along with a growing prison industry. Emphasis is given to family and moralistic values. Democrats profess to be pro-education and keen on addressing the transportation woes of northern Virginia.

These positions, however, leave a number of questions unanswered, such as:

For over twenty years Virginia has been led by dynamic governors who have often had to struggle with unanticipated economic shortfalls. Governor Douglas Wilder and, most recently, Governor Mark Warner had to make budget adjustments to maintain a balanced budge. But, glib election slogans cannot replace tangible benefits which are meaningful for African Americans. It might sound great to say “No New Taxes” or “No More Car Tax,” but in reality, government runs on tax revenue. If there is a cut in incoming revenue, because one tax no longer exists, it will be made up by another tax (or debt) somewhere else - taxes are not going to go away. It is a question of the priorities in terms of where the Democratic or Republican parties will spend the Commonwealth’s money.

Regardless of party affiliation, these issues must be raised with any and all candidates who seek our votes. Once our ballots are cast on Tuesday, all we can do is hope that the candidate who best represents our interests wins. As the African American electorate becomes increasingly crucial to statewide candidate victories, black voters should ask, “What will my vote get me or my family beyond a feeling that this candidate sounds like an upstanding citizen of the Commonwealth of Virginia?”